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T. E. Lawrence to Leonard Green
Jebail,
Syria
[Received January 14th, 1911]
Dear Green,
I am on a divan (anglicé - an American bent-wood chair) inhaling
haschich (a tannery next door but five) and dreaming of odalisques
(who were upper-housemaids) and bulbuls. Your letter is a breath of
Europe and things spiritual and sensual: most comfortable. You seem
to be well placed in your particular post: to be your own master as
much as you are, and to be able to put into practice (on such
subjects!) some of your more attractive novelties must be fairly
satisfactory. Only, I wish I could help the 'master of method' - that
is if your assistance is not limited to providing materials for him to
set straight.
Politics are quite shocking; I would like to have been in your
audience tho', and to be one of your out-of-works: cannot a little
writing be made out of that? There are opportunities there for one who
does not attack it in a G.R. Sims style?
Evidently your health is not yet quite on its sea-legs (those are
things that prevent sickness). Your youths are the people most to be
comforted.
Re your request: that I am afraid will be rather out of time, and I
am most sorry for I have heaps of stuff I would have poured out on
you: photographs are mostly labelled in ink on the films, and as they
are entirely technical, to illustrate a discussion of military
architecture, they will not avail you much. My camera was stolen
before I could take anything interesting - I really meant to. I am
writing to Will (long brother) to ask him to send you my thesis if it
reappears in time for next term: you may find some ideas in it.
As for books, he is going on that to one of the best historians in
Oxford. Von Sybel says a few words, and Stevenson in a book published
a year or two back gives a sort of commentary: very dull but correct.
'E. Barker' (St. John's) in the new Encyclopedia Brit. would be most
useful: if not out yet he might (through Will who has been useful to
him) send you proofs. I fancy the book most suggestive to you would be
Smith's Historical Geography of Palestine. It concerns S. Syria which
I don't know, and biblical history, but the land and the strategical
situation stayed much alike. It's a book worth reading anyway. Besides
these there is only 'Archer and Kingsford' (Story of Nations series)
and the map in Poole's Historical Atlas. The man more of all others in
England who could help you would be C.H.C. Pirie-Gordon, 43 Kensington
Mansions, Trebovir Road, Earl's Court, London: he is a 'young' Magd.
graduate (24 or so) and is writing a book on the military organisation
(specially geographical) of the Holy Land. If you wrote to him (say I
told you to:- he is most original too-) he might expand upon you: or go
and see him if you are in town.
What I felt most myself in Syria, put shortly, was the extreme
difficulty of the country. Esdraelon, and the plain in which Baalbek
lies are the only flat places in it. The coast road is often only 50
yards wide between hills and sea, and these hills you cannot walk or
ride over, because they are strewn over with large and small boulders,
without an inch of cultivated soil: also numberless small 'wadies'
(torrent-beds) deep and precipitous: not to be crossed without a huge
scramble. In one day's march, from Lake Huleh to Safed, one ascends
and descends 16,000 feet in hills and valleys, often 1,500 feet deep
and only 200 yards or so across, and in all the way only a single
track path on which one can ride without fear of smashing horses'
legs. Make a point that for heavy-armed horse operations in such
country are impossible: they can march in single file, but cannot
scout, or prepare against surprise: the battlefield of Hattin (near
Tiberias) is like a dried larva-flow, or the photograph (only in rock)
of the pack-ice of the Arctic seas. Blame the pen and ink not me for
this letter's illegibility. Even when there are no mountains or rivers
there will be hills and valleys enough, with rock-stretches, to make
an impassable tract. You will never, without seeing it, conceive of
the difficulty of the country. On the main road from Antioch to Aleppo
my escort walked with their horses (after Harim) for nearly four
hours: and for a Syrian to fare afoot is much against the grain.
The next point is the rivers: the Jordan is hardly passable except
at three points: just below Lake Huleh (Gisr Benat Yakub, to-day:
Castle Jacob or le Chastellet in the Crusade authorities) a bridge and
ford. Another ford just below lake Tiberias, (near Semakh) and one
more (very difficult) near Jericho. The first two were available for
or against the Damascenes. From Lake Huleh northwards is a swamp and
the river Litani, until the hills get steep enough and high enough to
be impassable: and then (very quickly) comes the Orontes, which is
nearly always impassable (from Riblah downwards) to Esh Shogr, on the
road from Latakia (Laodicea) to Aleppo. There is a ford there, and
after a bridge near Antioch (the Iron Bridge). Above Antioch came a
large lake, and then very hilly ground from the Kara Su to
Alexandretta. So you see W. Syria is pretty well defended. In the
early days of the Latin kingdom they held all this, and as well pushed
across the Euphrates (via Harim, Tell Bashar, and Biredjik) to Urfa,
(Edessa). This was a sort of outpost, which kept apart the Arabs of
Mesopotamia and the hills to the north (Kurdistan) from the Arabs of
E. Syria (Aleppo, Homs, Damascus) and the Arabians. While the
Crusaders held Edessa, which is a tremendous fortress (of Justinian's)
they were unassailable except through the Damascus gap, and one
opposite Homs (Emesa) extending to Tripoli. This last gap (which I
forgot to mention before) is a nearly sea-level pass between Lebanon
and the Nozairiyeh hills. It was defended by three tremendous Crusader
castles (Crac des chevaliers, in Arabic Kalaat el Hosn; Safita,
Chastel blanc in the French authorities; and Aarka, just above
Tripoli). These three places made this gap tolerably harmless, except
from Arab raids: these were continuous: but only did temporary harm:
still they neutralised the force of the county of Tripoli from 1140
onwards. The Damascus gaps were also blocked: the northern one by
Banias beyond Huleh, by Hunin, above the lake, by Safed, and by
Chastel Jacob, just beside the ford, which last castle only existed a
few months. Stevenson in his book points out its importance rather
more cheerfully than usual with him. The Southern ford, below Lake
Tiberias, was defended by the town of Tiberias by Kaukab el Hawa (one
of the Belvoirs, just above Beisan) and by an outpost, el Husn,
occasionally held beyond Jordan: it is not marked on any map. The
Jericho ford was never very important. There were some little Crusader
castles on its Syrian side.
The whole history of the Crusades was a
struggle for the possession
of these castles: the Arabs were never dispossessed of Aleppo, or of
Hamah, or of Homs, or of Damascus, and so they had all possible routes
open to them: they had unlimited resources to draw upon, as soon as
the Mesopotamians had recovered Urfa (Edessa), which the Crusaders
could not hold on account of its isolated position (Euphrates 10 feet
deep, 150 yards wide, very rapid, and often flooded, much difficult
hill thence to Seruj, and even nearer Edessa) and the shiftiness of
the Greek Armenian population, who were allies, at times, but fighting
men not at all: more harm than good usually. The native population of
Syria very much sympathised with the Arabs, except the Maronite
Christians and the Armenians; and news travels amazingly in the East:
so that the Latins were more often surprised than not. Any counter
stroke in the nature of ambush against the Arabs was impossible, since
half their people were spies. Then in the hills above Safita lived the
Assassins (Haschishīn) sometimes at war with the Arabs, more often
confederate, and linked with them by an Orontes-bridge at Shaizar
(Kalaat Seidjar). They could not attack Tripoli because of the 'Gap'
castles (see before) and Markab (Margat) a huge fortress north of
Tartus (another stronghold): but they could and did hold Antioch in
check from the South, while the Aleppines pressed on the Iron Bridge,
and the Greeks and Arabs attacked by Alexandretta and Beilan and
Bagras (the two last big castles). So Antioch could only just hold its
own, and the Tripoli castles, and when Damascus (Noureddin) joined
with the north, and added Egypt, Syria was ringed round. The battle of
Hattin was lost in an attempt to relieve Tiberias, the second of the
great 'gap' fortresses. Banias (the first) was lost about 1150. For
most of the occupation the Latin sphere of influence was limited to
their castles: the peasantry paid them taxes, and wished for the
Mohammedans to come: and come they very often did, to plunder such
Christian villages as were left. So far as one can see they spared the
Mohammedans. Latin Syria lived on its fleets.
This is horribly condensed, and much platitudinous: if only I could
tell you what you wanted to know: and there is no book written by a
man who has been out, except Baedeker! Do emphasise the importance of
the fortresses, which are all marked in a map in my 'thesis'.
Salaams,
E.L.
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